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The Outlier: The Unfinished Presidency of Jimmy Carter

為了解決Win the bid的問題，作者Bird, Kai 這樣論述：

＂Important . . . [a] landmark presidential biography . . . Bird is able to build a persuasive case that the Carter presidency deserves this new look.＂--The New York Times Book ReviewAn essential re-evaluation of the complex triumphs and tragedies of Jimmy Carter’s presidential legacy--from the exper

t biographer and Pulitzer Prize-winning co-author of American PrometheusFour decades after Ronald Reagan’s landslide win in 1980, Jimmy Carter’s one-term presidency is often labeled a failure; indeed, many Americans view Carter as the only ex-president to have used the White House as a stepping-ston

e to greater achievements. But in retrospect the Carter political odyssey is a rich and human story, marked by both formidable accomplishments and painful political adversity. In this deeply researched, brilliantly written account, Pulitzer Prize-winning biographer Kai Bird deftly unfolds the Carter

saga as a tragic tipping point in American history. As president, Carter was not merely an outsider; he was an outlier. He was the only president in a century to grow up in the heart of the Deep South, and his born-again Christianity made him the most openly religious president in memory. This outl

ier brought to the White House a rare mix of humility, candor, and unnerving self-confidence that neither Washington nor America was ready to embrace. Decades before today’s public reckoning with the vast gulf between America’s ethos and its actions, Carter looked out on a nation torn by race and de

moralized by Watergate and Vietnam and prescribed a radical self-examination from which voters recoiled. The cost of his unshakable belief in doing the right thing would be losing his re-election bid--and witnessing the ascendance of Reagan. In these remarkable pages, Bird traces the arc of Carter’s

administration, from his aggressive domestic agenda to his controversial foreign policy record, taking readers inside the Oval Office and through Carter’s battles with both a political establishment and a Washington press corps that proved as adversarial as any foreign power. Bird shows how issues

still hotly debated today--from national health care to growing inequality and racism to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict--burned at the heart of Carter’s America, and consumed a president who found a moral duty in solving them. Drawing on interviews with Carter and members of his administration and

recently declassified documents, Bird delivers a profound, clear-eyed evaluation of a leader whose legacy has been deeply misunderstood. The Outlier is the definitive account of an enigmatic presidency--both as it really happened and as it is remembered in the American consciousness. Kai Bird is

an award-winning historian and journalist. Executive Director of the Leon Levy Center for Biography, he is the acclaimed author of biographies of John J. McCloy and of McGeorge and William Bundy. He won the Pulitzer Prize for Biography for American Prometheus: The Triumph and Tragedy of J. Robert Op

penheimer (co-authored with Martin J. Sherwin). His work includes critical writings on the Vietnam War, Hiroshima, nuclear weapons, the Cold War, the Arab-Israeli conflict, and the CIA. He lives in New York City and Washington, D.C., with his wife, Susan Goldmark.

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利用模糊層級分析法 探討半導體產業品牌影響因素之分析

為了解決Win the bid的問題，作者范志旻 這樣論述：

隨著時間的流逝，半導體創新正在發生變化，可以適用於不同的創新業務，半導體業務的發展至關重要，因而開闢了許多新的職位。半導體業務是一個融合了不同創新能力並協調上游，中途和下游提供商的專業能力的行業，並且通常具有較高的進入壁壘 。廠家已投入花費很多精力與成本進入這個行業，期盼永續經營與回饋利害關係人。本研究第一步採用PEST, 五力 & SWOT分析，在美國，日本和臺灣，這些是國際半導體供應商鏈中的關鍵成員。經過最新半導體有關文獻的討論和分析，發現現有廠商已經建立了行業品牌，並獲得了用戶的信任。因此，品牌研究在這個行業是大家一直在探索的領域。考慮到寫作對話和大師談話，本研究使用分析層次結構(A

HP)研究技術對品牌的關鍵指針在半導體品牌的關鍵部件上進行重要性的排序，然後利用模糊層次分析法(FAHP)來分析這些標記之間的聯繫。經調查，有11項顯著結果可供參考，關鍵是要在半導體品牌建設上取得優異的成績，“客戶價值”和“品牌資產”都必須達到一定的水平。本研究發現，半導體品牌策略應以“客戶價值”為核心，解決客戶問題，創造卓越價值，並隨著技術的進步不斷投入新產品的研發，以奠定半導體品牌長期成功的基礎。

Joseph Smith for President: The Prophet, the Assassins, and the Fight for American Religious Freedom

為了解決Win the bid的問題，作者McBride, Spencer W. 這樣論述：

By the election year of 1844, Joseph Smith, the controversial founder of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, had amassed a national following of some 25,000 believers. Nearly half of them lived in the city of Nauvoo, Illinois, where Smith was not only their religious leader but also

the mayor and the commander-in-chief of a militia of some 2,500 men. In less than twenty years, Smith had helped transform the American religious landscape and grown his own political power substantially. Yet the standing of the Mormon people in American society remained unstable. Unable to garner f

ederal protection, and having failed to win the support of former president Martin Van Buren or any of the other candidates in the race, Smith decided to take matters into his own hands, launching his own bid for the presidency. While many scoffed at the notion that Smith could come anywhere close t

o the White House, others regarded his run--and his religion--as a threat to the stability of theyoung nation. Hounded by mobs throughout the campaign, Smith was ultimately killed by one--the first presidential candidate to be assassinated. Though Joseph Smith’s run for president is now best remembe

red--when it is remembered at all--for its gruesome end, the renegade campaign was revolutionary. Smith called for the total abolition of slavery, the closure of the country’s penitentiaries, and the reestablishment of a national bank to stabilize the economy. But Smith’s most important proposal was

for an expansion of protections for religious minorities. At a time when the Bill of Rights did not apply to individual states, Smith sought to empower the federal government to protect minorities when states failed to do so. Spencer W. McBride tells the story of Joseph Smith’s quixotic but consequ

ential run for the White House and shows how his calls for religious freedom helped to shape the American political system we know today.

杜特蒂和民粹旋風: 菲律賓的民粹主義、治理術和宣傳策略

為了解決Win the bid的問題，作者湯斐然 這樣論述：

在菲律賓這個被貧窮、貪婪、腐敗和政治災難蹂躪的國家，要搞清楚人們為何被杜特蒂之民粹主義所深深吸引，闡明這個民粹主義的複雜性將會很有幫助。儘管關於這個話題的文獻與日俱增，民粹主義的定義還是含混不清：從形象到意識形態，或是從顛覆到獨裁，學者們不斷地偏移焦點。為了確定民粹主義的獨特的特徵和功能，本研究修正並擴充了拉克勞的民粹主義概念，強調其歷史與在地的特殊性：亦即，本研究將民粹主義定義為嵌入在地（菲律賓）與歷史符號系統中的政治邏輯，同時具備了解放和治理規範的潛力。本研究的核心討論在於系統性地分析民粹主義邏輯如何在三個同步過程中顯現：首先，政治行動者如何鞏固和普及來自下層和上層民眾情緒和未實現的社會

需求；其次，如何以二分法建構和操作正義的受害者（人民）和不道德的惡棍（精英）；最後，如何故意採用兩方或三方的歷史觀來進行宣傳敘事的社會生產，以便完成治理術的目標。本研究採用能夠清晰說明菲律賓經驗細微特性的民粹主義概念，來揭示過去和當下的民粹主義者如何形塑了菲律賓人民對正義和進步的挫折感和渴望。通過探索這些宣傳團結和分化的符號和再生產的機制，本研究將解釋一個多世紀以來菲律賓人民如何以及為何持續深陷民粹旋風之中。