Expression language 的問題,透過圖書和論文來找解法和答案更準確安心。 我們找到下列懶人包和總整理

Expression language 的問題,我們搜遍了碩博士論文和台灣出版的書籍,推薦Lorenzini, Daniele寫的 Jacques Maritain and Human Rights: Totalitarianism, Anti-Semitism and Democracy (1936-1951) 和的 A Media Ecology of Theology: Communicating Faith Throughout the Christian Tradition都 可以從中找到所需的評價。

這兩本書分別來自 和所出版 。

輔仁大學 心理學系 宋文里、蔡怡佳所指導 陳斌的 女性存在處境的再探:以存在分析與夢的顯現為取徑 (2021),提出Expression language 關鍵因素是什麼,來自於女性、存在、夢境、夢想、存在分析。

而第二篇論文國立政治大學 亞太研究英語碩士學位學程(IMAS) 劉子愷所指導 張家瑜的 社群媒體成為政治論爭的煽動空間 : 用戶的網路煽動行為與語氣分析 (2021),提出因為有 網絡民族主義、語氣分析、在線拖釣、多模態交流的重點而找出了 Expression language 的解答。

接下來讓我們看這些論文和書籍都說些什麼吧:

除了Expression language ,大家也想知道這些:

Jacques Maritain and Human Rights: Totalitarianism, Anti-Semitism and Democracy (1936-1951)

為了解決Expression language 的問題,作者Lorenzini, Daniele 這樣論述:

The influence of Jacques Maritain in the post-war era's embrace of human rights is undeniable. Scholars, however, overlook a major shift in his use of language. Daniele Lorenzini argues the turn from Maritain's use of the expression "rights of the person" to "the rights of man" is packed with meanin

g. Reconstructing the historical context in which this shift occurred is key to fully grasping what Maritain accomplished. It is also essential if one seeks to defend Maritain against accusation that he enacted a victory of the American and French modern revolutionary spirit over ecclesiastical teac

hing when he legitimized "the rights of man." The notion that Maritain may have taken up the cause of the civic-secular citizen when these secularly articulated rights were consciously never embraced by Catholic magisterium (that instead promulgated the rights of the person) merits serious attention

. Lorenzini reconstructs Maritain's historical context and theoretical trajectory shaped by particular circumstances--most evidently World War II, but also his time in the United States and his work with the Committee of Catholics for Human Rights. Lorenzini is not suggesting that Maritain staged a

siege of Catholic thought, but that he did in fact lay the foundations for turning the conversation away from the tenets upheld by ecclesiastical authority on the concept of rights toward an articulation that more pointedly connects such rights to the actual possession and protection. How and why t

his happens, Lorenzini demonstrates, is "grasped only if critically situated in the union of history of history and biography that makes this possible and encourages it, as does Maritain's residency in the United States--an exile that obliged the French philosopher to render a deep seated account of

the unbelievable (and tragic) political and intellectual panorama." In short, Maritain set in motion the innovative redefinition of the elements that would soon be known as the human rights. But to Maritain these elements were always proper to the new ideal of the "vitally Christian" political city

, the city "founded essentially on the two 'pillars' of democracy and the safeguarding of the rights of man." What originally began as a purely linguistic investigation of Maritain's use of terminology has led Lorenzini to ask whether Maritain himself was won over from the act of conversing of right

s associated with personhood to the real-time struggle for these rights, an evolution not just of Maritain's language but of the man himself. Lorenzini's work is a formidable contribution to the literature pertaining to the period of post-war thought and Maritain on human rights. In his labors to c

arefully digest the full span of Maritain's intellectual trajectory on rights, Lorenzini brings Jacques Maritain alive both as a man of vision but also fervent action, and defends him from critics and historians that accuse him of spurning Church teaching and papal authority. As Lorenzini's study sh

ows, the human rights of the secular-civic world--whose lineage scholars attribute in large part to Maritain--were always derived from Catholic teaching and intended for use in constructing the truly Christian city. This work stands out in a vast repertoire of work on the subject of Jacques Maritai

n, and accomplishes both high level philosophical and historical sleuthing. It is of particular interest to American readers who may not fully realize the depth of Maritain's maturation of thought during his residency in the United States. This is an astounding read for historians, scholars of polit

ical philosophy, and students of Jacques Maritain. Daniele Lorenzini is Assistant Professor of Philosophy at the University of Warwick, where he is also Deputy Director of the Centre for Research in Post-Kantian European Philosophy. He is the author of Éthique et politique de soi (Vrin, 2015) and

La force du vrai (Le bord de l’eau, 2017), as well as the editor of Foucault and the Making of Subjects (Rowman & Littlefield, 2016).

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女性存在處境的再探:以存在分析與夢的顯現為取徑

為了解決Expression language 的問題,作者陳斌 這樣論述:

本文是作者從自身困境出發,試圖理解自身的實踐行動,即作為一個女性的存在意味著什麼。這不是一般意義上的對女性存在的探索,而是在過去幾十年裡有那麼多女性研究後,更多的重新審視。文章以現象學「存在分析」和「夢的顯現」為取徑再次探索女性的存在處境。論文按兩條軸線展開,一條是女性存在主義的探討;一條是「夢的顯現」的方法論在應用中逐漸形成的過程。兩條軸線的交織體現在以三位女性的夢境為分析對象,結合生命史而勾勒出的「存在分析」。 文章第一部分為緒論,包括引言及前三章。主要是論文主題、研究方法形成的過程以及初步的女性存在主義的文獻探討。第二部分為方法論部分,包括第四章和第五章。在這部分以瑞士精

神病學家賓斯萬格(Ludwig Binswanger)為起點論述了存在分析的源起以及架構。此外,論述了賓斯萬格1930年發表的《 Dream and Existence》這本書中關於夢的分析的截然不同於佛洛伊德的觀點,即關注夢顯現出來的內容。並以法國哲學家福柯(Michel Foucault)對此的導論,論述了夢與存在的關係。本論文主體部分第六到八章,正是採用賓斯萬格關注夢的顯意的夢的詮釋方式,來做女性的存在分析。第三部分是主體部分,包括第六、七、八章。這三章是通過三位女性的夢境結合個人生命史,對三位女性的存在分析。第四部分是結論部分,包括第九、十章。第九章從身體層面論述女性的存在處境;第十章

總結先分述兩條線:女性的存在困境及「入夢」的方法論,再次論述女性存在出路的理論路線——表達與想像,以及現實路徑——三位女性的出路。最後是作者的反思。 「入夢」之為下沉,夢境成為鏡映現實的鏡子,「存在分析」則試圖勾勒出一個結構,一個可理解的局,將夢境的理解變為「語言的現實」,「語言的現實」之為上揚。女性困境的出路蘊含在方法論的探索中,言說、文學和藝術的表達與想像是女性困境的出路。

A Media Ecology of Theology: Communicating Faith Throughout the Christian Tradition

為了解決Expression language 的問題,作者 這樣論述:

In the Christian tradition, the faithful do theology--defined in Anselm’s phrase as faith seeking understanding--in different media. The contemporary emphasis on written or academic theology obscures the long history in which people sought to understand and express their faith by way of various o

utlets and formats. Because historical Christianity has embraced every communication medium, the media ecology approach to communication study offers a powerful tool to examine that history and the affordances of the media for theological expression. Just so, the history of theology offers a variety

of test cases to illustrate media ecology at work.In A Media Ecology of Theology Paul Soukup invites us to explore the interaction between communication media, broadly defined, and the Christian theological heritage. Soukup follows a media ecology methodology, moving from a description of a commun

ication medium to an examination of its affordances to a discussion of how those affordances shape the faith-seeking-understanding practiced in each. He shows that, in some cases, different media support different theological conclusions, and different theological stances shape media. The case studi

es range from the first to the twenty-first centuries, with a limitation imposed by selection, language, and culture.As an introductory work, A Media Ecology of Theology addresses communication scholars and students, theological scholars and students (primarily those interested in the history of the

ology or in practical theology), and those with an interest in various media (art, architecture, etc.). With an interdisciplinary focus and a willingness to argue for a wider theological ecosystem--one in which the medium influences both content and selection of ideas--Soukup creates new vistas for

understanding the life of faith, and how societies and communities express their most cherished ideas.

社群媒體成為政治論爭的煽動空間 : 用戶的網路煽動行為與語氣分析

為了解決Expression language 的問題,作者張家瑜 這樣論述:

自 2020 年爆發的新冠疫情,人們的外出行動因封鎖管制而受到諸多限制,這也導 致原本的政治論爭在網路空間益加活躍。像是在社群媒體溝通脈絡中,人們討論有關新冠 病毒源頭的議題,往往與支持「線上民族主義」的網路挑釁者掛勾在一起。當中國成為 冠病毒的起源地,並散播到世界各地之後,熱衷於民族主義的中國網民,常對來自不同國 家且抱持不同政治立場和社會觀點的網民進行網路攻擊和煽動行為,這樣的網路煽動行為 因新冠疫情更加嚴重,其他國家的網民也往往是透過這些充滿挑釁和煽動意味的網路言論 戰爭和社群媒體溝通,而有機會與中國網民有所接觸。本論文旨在探討中國與其他國家的 網民間因政治立場和社會觀點的差異而引發的

網路煽動行為,本論文針對社群媒體溝通脈 絡中,網路煽動言論的語氣和動機進行分析,並討論網路挑釁和煽動如何從社群媒體溝通 脈絡轉化為實際的政治行動。本論文首先針對來自台灣、香港和中國網民間的網路挑釁和 煽動言論進行語氣分析,接著分析中國網民與其他國家網民間的網路挑釁和煽動言論,關 注中國網民與美國網民和印度網民間的網路互動和煽動言論。本論文沿用 De Fina 提出的 「語氣分析」研究方法,分析 157 條網路挑釁和煽動言論,針對這些社群媒體溝通中的五 種語氣進行分析,包括:諷刺、和藹、咄咄逼人、中立和曖昧語氣。採用語氣分析和多模 態溝通的研究方法,本論文認為中國網民和非中國網民之間的網路攻訐很

大程度上受「文 化鄰接」或「意識形態歧異」兩種因素所影響,這不僅顯示中國網民和非中國網民之間的 網路挑釁和煽動言論很多集中在民族主義和意識形態差異的爭論上,也發生在不同國家的 網民間對共同華人文化認同上的爭論。本論文也說明網路煽動言論有部分源自生活日常中 的社會事件,並從網路空間的挑釁和煽動言論,進一步在現實世界中引發後續政治效應, 這些效應有些是來自政府官員、非政府官員和一般社會大眾: 然而,有些則停留於網路溝 通層面,並沒有後續政治效應。